"Feminism gave me a way to see myself in culture, in society, in history, and that was very important. Then psychoanalysis showed me that I might be neurotic because I was a girl but, as Chekhov might have put it, I alone had to squeeze the slave out of myself, drop by drop. So between Freud and women’s rights—to use those two brilliant perspectives was to gain a vantage point from which, as we used to say, I could see myself both personally and politically. And yes, that gave me language."

Vivian Gornick
butisitartphoto:

detail of Rodin’s Kiss

butisitartphoto:

detail of Rodin’s Kiss

butisitartphoto:

Detail of Rodin’s Kiss

butisitartphoto:

Detail of Rodin’s Kiss

inthemoodtodissolveinthesky:

Auguste Rodin,L’Idolo eterno

inthemoodtodissolveinthesky:

Auguste Rodin,L’Idolo eterno

falecido:

Auguste Rodin | Orphée et Eurydice | 1893

falecido:

Auguste Rodin | Orphée et Eurydice | 1893

"Christine… Isn’t that the name of a car that wanted to kill everyone?"

"Christine… Isn’t that the name of a car that wanted to kill everyone?"

lovequotesandcoffee:

Stephen King, Christine

lovequotesandcoffee:

Stephen King, Christine

"Just as one spoils the stomach by overfeeding and thereby impairs the whole body, so can one overload and choke the mind by giving it too much nourishment. For the more one reads the fewer are the traces left of what one has read; the mind is like a tablet that has been written over and over. Hence it is impossible to reflect; and it is only by reflection that one can assimilate what one has read. If one reads straight ahead without pondering over it later, what has been read does not take root, but is for the most part lost."

Arthur Schopenhauer

"Take Canada and the United States, very similar societies. Canada has a functioning national healthcare system. The United States is alone in the industrial world in that it doesn’t. Part of the reason for that is the difference in the ways the unions acted. If you go back to the initiation of the healthcare system in Canada came from the labor unions. Except, what they fought for is healthcare for everyone. The American unions fought for healthcare for themselves… The unions were willing to just trust management. Since we’re all in it together, you guys will take care of us. Well, you can see what happened. Management decides, "Sorry, game’s over." They ended up with nothing…

"…[That’s] part of the reason why there’s such a constant effort to try to malign and undermine social security. For example, a lot of young people think that it’s unfair that they have to pay for elderly people… Social security takes money from working people and gives it to elderly people. Now, any civilized society would say that’s very fair. They were working, they took care of you when you were young, why shouldn’t you take care of them when they’re old? This sense of immoralism is really driven into people.

"In fact, a lot of young people think they’ll never get social security because they’re drowned in propaganda about how the system’s collapsing but it’s as healthy as it ever is… There’s a constant effort to privatize it, get rid of it, and I think part of the reason is that social security is residue of that sense of community that was alive in the 30s. You really should take care of each other. Form the CIO, that’s for everybody, not just me. Labor slogans are: Solidarity, not: I Gotta Get What I Want. Social security fortifies it. It relies on it, and also fortifies it. From the point of view of the class warriors in the business world, that’s dangerous. You really want people to be atomized. If they’re atomized, they’re controlled. You can’t control people by force anymore, but you can get them to focus on nothing but maxing out five credit cards, okay you got them under control. They don’t talk to anybody. They have no ideas. They don’t think you can do anything. If you want to talk about American exceptionalism, that’s what it is."

—Noam Chomsky

"

The basic demands of identity politics assumed an atmosphere of plenty. In the seventies and eighties, that plenty had existed and women and non-whites were able to battle over how the collective pie would be divided: would white men learn to share, or would they keep hogging it? In the representational politics of the New Economy nineties, however, women as well as men, and whites as well as people of color, were now fighting their battles over a single, shrinking piece of pie – and consistently failing to ask what was happening to the rest of it. For us, as students, to address the problems at the roots of “classism” we would have to face up to core issues of wealth distribution – and unlike sexism, racism or homophobia, that was not what we used to call “an awareness problem.

So class fell off the agenda, along with all serious economic – let alone corporate – analysis…

As we look back it seems like willful blindness. The abandonment of the radical economic foundations of the women’s and civil rights movements by the conflation of causes that came to be called political correctness successfully trained a generation of activists in the politics of image, not action. And if the space invaders marched into our schools and our communities unchallenged, it was at least partly because the political models in vogue at the time of the invasion left many of us ill-equipped to deal with issues that were more about ownership than representation. We were busy analyzing the pictures being projected on the wall to notice that the wall itself had been sold.

"

Naomi Klein

avengers assemble #18

snarkykicks:

Ms. Marvel #33

elleincolour:

Naomi Sandoval | via Facebook on We Heart It. http://weheartit.com/entry/65445539/via/elleincolour

elleincolour:

Naomi Sandoval | via Facebook on We Heart It. http://weheartit.com/entry/65445539/via/elleincolour

"Vanity, trying to arouse a good opinion of oneself, and even to try to believe in it, seems, to the noble man, such bad taste, so self-disrespectful, so grotesquely unreasonable, that he would like to consider vanity a rarity. He will say, “I may be mistaken about my value, but nevertheless demand that I be valued as I value myself”, but this is not vanity. The man of noble character must learn that in all social strata in any way dependent, the ordinary man has only ever valued himself as his master dictates (it is the peculiar right of masters to create values). It may be looked upon as an extraordinary atavism that the ordinary man is always waiting for an opinion about himself and then instinctively submitting to it; not only to a “good” opinion, but also to a bad and unjust one (think of all the self-depreciations which the believing Christian learns from his Church). It is “the slave” in the vain man’s blood- and how much of the “slave” is still left in woman- which seeks to seduce to good opinions of itself; it is the slave, too, who immediately afterwards falls prostrate himself before these opinions, as though he had not called them forth. Vanity is an atavism."

Nietzsche, Beyond Good and Evil